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នៅពេលដែល[[អាជ្ញាធរអន្តរកាលសហប្រជាជាតិនៅកម្ពុជា]] (អ៊ុនតាក់) ដែលជាស្ថាប័នរដ្ឋបាលស្របគ្នាជាមួយ SNC ត្រូវបានបង្កើតឡើងនៅខែកុម្ភៈ ឆ្នាំ១៩៩២, រណឫទ្ធិត្រូវបានតែងតាំងជាសមាជិកក្រុមប្រឹក្សា។ ព្រះអង្គបានចំណាយពេលវេលាធ្វើដំណើរទៅវិញទៅមករវាងទីក្រុងបាងកកនិងភ្នំពេញហើយខណៈពេលដែលនៅភ្នំពេញ ព្រះអង្គបានដឹកនាំកិច្ចខិតខំប្រឹងប្រែងក្នុងការបើកការិយាល័យគណបក្សហ្វ៊ុនស៊ិនប៉ិចនៅទូទាំងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។<ref name="Mehta88">Mehta (2001), p. 88</ref> ជាមួយគ្នានេះដែរ គណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចបានចាប់ផ្តើមរិះគន់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាដែលកំពុងកាន់អំណាច,<ref>Mehta (2001), p. 87</ref> ជាលទ្ធផល វាក៏បានបង្កឱ្យមានការវាយប្រហារដោយប៉ូលីសមកលើមន្រ្តីជាន់ទាបរបស់គណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិច។<ref name="Mehta88"/><ref>Widyono (2008), p. 117</ref> សកម្មភាពនេះបានជម្រុញឱ្យអ្នកស្និទនឹងព្រះអង្គគឺ នរោត្តម សិរីវុទ្ធ និងលោក[[សម រង្ស៊ី]]បង្គាប់ព្រះអង្គកុំឱ្យចុះឈ្មោះគណបក្សចូលទៅក្នុងការបោះឆ្នោតឆ្នាំ១៩៩៣។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ អ្នកតំណាង សបក គឺលោក[[អាកាឝ៊ិ-យ៉ាស៊ុយឝ៊ិ]]បានជម្រុញឱ្យរណឫទ្ធិឈរឈ្មោះជាអ្នកបោះឆ្នោត។<ref>Mehta (2001), p. 91</ref> រណឫទ្ធិក៏បានទទួលយល់ព្រមឈរឈ្មោះគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចហើយការឃោសនាការបោះឆ្នោតក៏បានចាប់ផ្តើមនៅខែមេសា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៣។ រណឫទ្ធិក៏ដូចជាមន្រ្តីគណបក្សហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចផ្សេងទៀតបាននាំគ្នាពាក់អាវយឺតរូបសីហនុនៅអំឡុងពេលកំពុងឃោសនាគណបក្ស។ សកម្មភាពនេះបានអនុលោមតាមច្បាប់បោះឆ្នោតដោយរដ្ឋបាលអ៊ុនតាក់ថាកុំប្រើ"ឈ្មោះ"របស់ព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់សីហនុក្នុងកំឡុងពេលឃោសនាគណបក្ស។<ref>Mehta (2001), p. 92</ref> ខណៈពេលនោះដែរសម្តេចបានកំពុងបម្រើការជាប្រធានអព្យាក្រឹតនយោបាយនៃ SNC ។<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 41</ref> ការបោះឆ្នោតក៏ចាប់ធ្វើឡើងនៅខែឧសភា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៣;<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 119</ref> ហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចទទួលបានសំឡេងគាំទ្រប្រមាណ ៤៥% ហើយដណ្តើមអាសនៈសភាបាន ៥៨ អាសនៈក្នុងចំណោមអាសនៈសរុបចំនួន ១២០។<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 127</ref> គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាបានបដិសេដមិនទទួលស្គាល់លទ្ធផលនៃការបោះឆ្នោតហើយថែមទាំងបានចោតថាមានការបន្លំសន្លឹកឆ្នោតទៀតផង។<ref name="Peou174">Peou (2000), pp. 174–75</ref>
 
នៅថ្ងៃទី៣ ខែមិថុនា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៣ មេដឹកនាំគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាគឺលោក[[ជា ស៊ីម]]និងលោកហ៊ុន សែនបានជួបជាមួយសីហនុហើយបានបញ្ចុះបញ្ចូលព្រះអង្គឱ្យដឹកនាំរដ្ឋាភិបាលបណ្តោះអាសន្នដោយមានគណបក្សប្រជាជននិងហ៊្វុនស៊ិនប៉ិចដៃគូចម្រុះ។<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 124</ref> រណឫទ្ធិដែលមិនបានចូលពិគ្រោះយោបល់នោះបានសម្តែងការភ្ញាក់ផ្អើល។ ក្នុងពេលជាមួយគ្នានេះដែរ សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកនិងចិនបានប្រឆាំងនឹងផែនការនេះដែលជាហេតុជំរុញឱ្យសីហនុដកការសម្រេចចិត្តរបស់ព្រះអង្គនៅថ្ងៃបន្ទាប់។<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 125</ref> នៅថ្ងៃទី១០ ខែមិថុនា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៣ មេដឹកនាំគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាដឹកនាំដោយលោកឧត្តមសេនីយ៍ស៊ិន សុងនិងចក្រពង្សបានគំរាមដណ្តើមយកខេត្តភាគខាងកើតប្រទេសកម្ពុជាចំនួន ៨។<ref>Mehta (2013), p. 238</ref> ពេលនោះ រណឫទ្ធិបានខ្លាចមានសង្គ្រាមស៊ីវិលជាមួយគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា,<ref name="Peou174"/> ដែលមានកម្លាំងទ័ពច្រើនជាងព្រះអង្គ។<ref>Peou (2000), p. 215</ref> ដូចនេះហើយ ព្រះអង្គបានទទួលយល់ព្រមលើគំនិតសហការជាមួយគណបក្សប្រជាជន<ref>Mehta (2001), p. 102</ref> ហើយបក្សពួកទាំងពីរក៏បានយល់ស្របគ្នាក្នុងការបង្កើតប្រព័ន្ធនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីពីររូបសម្រាប់រដ្ឋាភិបាលថ្មី។<ref>Mehta (2001), p. 104</ref> នៅថ្ងៃទី១៤ ខែមិថុនា, រណឫទ្ធិបានធ្វើជាអ្នកនាំមុខការប្រជុំសភាមួយដែលបានធ្វើឱ្យសម្តេចសីហនុក្លាយជាប្រមុខរដ្ឋកម្ពុជាដោយមានហ៊ុន-សែននិងរណឫទ្ធិជាសហនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីនៅក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាលបណ្តោះអាសន្ន។<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 129</ref> រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញថ្មីត្រូវបានព្រាងក្នុងរយៈពេល ៣ ខែហើយត្រូវបានអនុម័តនៅដើមខែកញ្ញា។ នៅថ្ងៃទី២៤ ខែកញ្ញា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩៣, សីហនុបានលាលែងពីតំណែងជាប្រមុខរដ្ឋហើយត្រូវបានតែងតាំងជា[[បញ្ជីព្រះមហាក្សត្រកម្ពុជា|ព្រះមហាក្សត្រនៃព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា]]ឡើងវិញ។ នៅក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាលថ្មី រណឫទ្ធិនិងលោកហ៊ុន-សែនត្រូវបានតែងតាំងជានាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីទីមួយនិងនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីទីពីរ។<ref>Summers (2003), pp. 232–33</ref>
On 3 June 1993, CPP leaders [[Chea Sim]] and Hun Sen met with Sihanouk and persuaded him to head an interim government with the CPP and FUNCINPEC as joint coalition partners.<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 124</ref> Ranariddh, who had not been consulted, expressed surprise. At the same time, the United States and China opposed the plan, prompting Sihanouk to rescind his decision the following day.<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 125</ref> On 10 June 1993, CPP leaders led by General Sin Song and Chakrapong threatened to secede eight eastern provinces from Cambodia.<ref>Mehta (2013), p. 238</ref> Ranariddh feared a civil war with the CPP,<ref name="Peou174"/> which had a much larger army than the ANS.<ref>Peou (2000), p. 215</ref> Accordingly, he accepted the idea of FUNCINPEC working with the CPP,<ref>Mehta (2001), p. 102</ref> and both parties agreed to a dual prime minister arrangement in the new government.<ref>Mehta (2001), p. 104</ref> On 14 June, Ranariddh presided over a parliamentary meeting which made Sihanouk the Head of State, with Hun Sen and Ranariddh serving as co-Prime Ministers in an interim government.<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 129</ref> A new constitution was drafted over the next three months, and was adopted in early September. On 24 September 1993, Sihanouk resigned as the head of state and was reinstated as King of Cambodia. In the new government, Ranariddh and Hun Sen were appointed as the First Prime Minister and Second Prime Minister, respectively.<ref>Summers (2003), pp. 232–33</ref>
 
==សហនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី (១៩៩៣–១៩៩៧)==
===កិច្ចសហប្រតិបត្តិការជាមួយ គបក===
[[Image:Ranariddh press conference.jpg|250px|left|thumb|ព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់រណឫទ្ធិដែលកំពុងផ្តល់សន្និសីទកាសែតដល់អ្នកសារព័ត៌មាននាឆ្នាំ១៩៩៣]]
 
[[Benny Widyono]], the UN secretary-general's representative in Cambodia from 1994 to 1997,<ref>Widyono (2008), p. xxvii</ref> has observed that although Ranariddh was nominally senior to Hun Sen, he held less executive power.<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 166</ref> Ranariddh initially viewed Hun Sen with suspicion, but the pair soon developed a close working relationship,<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 130</ref> agreeing on most policy decisions made until early 1996.<ref>Peou (2000), p. 243</ref><ref name="Widoyono214">Widyono (2008), pp. 214–15</ref> In August 1993, while Cambodia was still under the administration of an interim government, Ranariddh and Hun Sen jointly applied to make the country a member in the [[International Organization of the Francophonie]]. The decision to enter the Francophonie sparked a debate among students in higher educational institutes,<ref>{{cite web |author=Ker Munthit |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/cambodia-chooses-franco-phone-path |title=Cambodia Chooses Franco-phone Path |date=13 August 1993 |accessdate=27 February 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150923164426/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/cambodia-chooses-franco-phone-path |archivedate=23 September 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref> particularly those from the [[Institute of Technology of Cambodia]] who called for French to be replaced with English as the language of instruction. In response, Ranariddh encouraged students to simultaneously learn both English and French.<ref>{{cite web |author=Moeun Chhean Nariddh |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/learn-both-says-prime-minister |title='Learn both' says Prime Minister |date=22 October 1993 |accessdate=27 February 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150814111140/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/learn-both-says-prime-minister |archivedate=14 August 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref>
 
In August 1995, Ranariddh expressed admiration for the political and economic systems of Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia. As he saw it, these countries, characterised by [[Illiberal democracy|hybrid regimes]], active [[economic interventionism]] and limited [[Freedom of the press|press freedom]], served as good models to propel Cambodia's socio-economic growth. Ranariddh espoused the view that economic development should take precedence over democratic and human rights.<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 192–93</ref> In the initial months of the administration, he actively courted political leaders from various regional countries, including Indonesia,<ref>Norodom (2014), p. 17</ref> [[Singapore]]<ref>{{cite news|author=Press Staff|url=http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/Digitised/Article/straitstimes19930827-1.2.35.10.aspx|title=Cambodian Prince Ranariddh here for 3-day visit|date=27 August 1993|accessdate=14 October 2015|page=27|work=The Straits Times (Restricted access)}}</ref> and Malaysia, with a view to encouraging investment in Cambodia. In early 1994, Ranariddh established the Cambodian Development Council (CDC)<ref name="Malaysiainvestment">{{cite web |author=Carol Livingston |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/malaysia-pm-spurs-investors |title=Malaysia PM spurs investors |date=22 April 1994 |accessdate=5 February 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150713053520/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/malaysia-pm-spurs-investors |archivedate=13 July 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref> to encourage foreign investment, and served as its chairperson.<ref>{{cite web |author=CJon Ogden |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/cdc-set-launch-advert-blitz-lure-investors |title=CDC set to launch advert blitz to lure investors |date=7 October 1994 |accessdate=5 June 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150713041904/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/cdc-set-launch-advert-blitz-lure-investors |archivedate=13 July 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref> The Malaysian Prime Minister, [[Mahathir Mohamad]], supported Ranariddh's plans, and encouraged Malaysian businessmen to invest and assist in developing the tourism, infrastructural development and telecommunications industries.<ref name="Malaysiainvestment"/><ref name="Widoyono 199-200"/>
 
As the chairman of the CDC, Ranariddh gave his approval to at least 17 business contracts submitted by Malaysian businessmen between August 1994 and January 1995. The projects mostly covered infrastructural development, and included construction of a racing track, power plants and petrol stations.<ref name="Widoyono 199-200">Widyono (2008), pp. 199–200</ref><ref name="MichaelHayes1995">{{cite web |author=Michael Hayes |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/malaysian-business-connection |title=The Malaysian business connection |date=27 January 1995 |accessdate=6 February 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150812171118/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/malaysian-business-connection |archivedate=12 August 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref> In November 1994, the CDC opened a tender to build a casino near [[Sihanoukville (city)|Sihanoukville]] and proposals submitted by three companies were shortlisted; Ariston Berhad from Malaysia, Unicentral Corporation from Singapore and Hyatt International from the US. Ariston's proposal was valued at US$1.3&nbsp;billion, and included bringing a luxury [[cruise ship]] with casino to Cambodia, to be used to accommodate tourists until the Sihanoukville resort was built. Before the tender was even concluded, Ariston's ship was brought to Phnom Penh in early December.<ref>{{cite web |author=Matthew Grainger |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/malaysians-snare-naga-casino-deal |title=Malaysians snare Naga casino deal |date=16 December 1994 |accessdate=6 February 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150723122146/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/malaysians-snare-naga-casino-deal |archivedate=23 July 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref> The Tourism Minister, [[Veng Sereyvuth]] suspected that there was backroom dealing activities between CDC and Ariston,<ref name="MichaelHayes1995"/> who were nevertheless awarded the contract, which Ranariddh signed in January 1995.<ref name="Widoyono 199-200"/>
 
In 1992, the UNTAC administration had banned forest logging and timber exports, a major industry and source of foreign earnings. In October 1993, Ranariddh issued an order to lift the ban on a temporary basis so as to allow trees that were already [[Felling|felled]] to be exported for timber.<ref name="Kiernan97">Kiernan and Hughes (2007), p. 97</ref> The [[Khmer Rouge]] still controlled large tracts of forests in the regions of western and northern Cambodia bordering Thailand,<ref>Kiernan and Hughes (2007), p. 82</ref> and helped finance its operations by selling timber to Thai forestry companies. The Cambodian government was unable to impose its will in Khmer Rouge territory, and was eager to regain the logging revenues.<ref>Kiernan and Hughes (2007), p. 77</ref> In January 1994, Ranariddh and Hun Sen signed a [[bilateral agreement]] with Thai Prime Minister [[Chuan Leekpai]]. The agreement provided for felled trees to be legally exported to Thailand on a temporary basis until 31 March 1994. The agreement also arranged for specially-designated customs zones to be created within Thai territory, which allowed Cambodian custom officials to inspect the logs and collect export duties.<ref name="Kiernan78">Kiernan and Hughes (2007), p. 78</ref>
 
The logging ban went into force on 31 March 1994, but trees continued to be felled and a new stockpile of timber was created. Ranariddh and Hun Sen gave special authorisation for the lumber to be exported to [[North Korea]].<ref>Kiernan and Hughes (2007), p. 79</ref> They would continue the practice of periodically lifting export bans and granting special approvals to clear stocks of fallen timber on an on-and off-basis until Ranariddh's ouster in 1997.<ref name="Kiernan97"/> According to Canadian geographer [[Philippe Le Billon]], Ranariddh and Hun Sen tacitly supported continued Khmer Rouge logging activities as it provided a lucrative backdoor source of cash revenue<ref name="Kiernan78"/> to finance their own political activities.<ref name="Kiernan97"/> Under Ranariddh's co-administration, Malaysia's Samling Berhad and Indonesia's Macro-Panin were among the largest beneficiaries of government contracts, as these two logging companies, in 1994–1995, secured rights to log 805,000 [[hectare]]s and 1.4&nbsp;million hectares of forests, respectively.<ref name="Kiernan97"/><ref>Summers (2003), p. 248</ref>
 
===ជម្លោះនៅក្នុងរដ្ឋាភិបាល===
[[Image:Ranariddh 1990s.jpg|200px|right|thumb|រូបភាពផ្លូវការរបស់ព្រះអង្គម្ចាស់នរោត្តម រណឬទ្ធិដែលត្រូវបានប្រើនៅពេលដែលព្រះអង្គជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីទីមួយ]]
 
In October 1994, Ranariddh and Hun Sen dropped [[Sam Rainsy]] as Finance Minister during a cabinet reshuffle.<ref name="Peou192">Peou (2000), p. 192</ref> Rainsy had been appointed by Ranariddh in 1993, but both prime ministers became uncomfortable working with Rainsy, because of his pursuit of allegations of government corruption.<ref>Peou (2000), p. 191</ref> Rainsy's dismissal upset Norodom Sirivudh, who resigned as Foreign Minister the following month.<ref>Mehta (2001), p. 107</ref> In March 1995, during an academic forum on corruption in Cambodia, Rainsy publicly questioned Ranariddh's acceptance of a [[Fokker F28 Fellowship|Fokker 28 airplane]] and a US$108&nbsp;million commission from Ariston Berhad.<ref>{{cite web |author=Matthew Grainger |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/hun-sen-steals-show-corruption-forum |title=Hun Sen steals show at corruption forum |date=10 March 1995 |accessdate=7 January 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150924120548/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/hun-sen-steals-show-corruption-forum |archivedate=24 September 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref> This angered Ranariddh, who expelled him from FUNCINPEC in May 1995.<ref name="Peou192"/> The following month, Ranariddh introduced a [[Motion (parliamentary procedure)|parliamentary motion]] to remove Rainsy as a member of parliament (MP).<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 180</ref>
 
In 1995, Ranariddh made calls for [[Capital punishment]] by calling for murderers and drug traffickers to be killed by the State.<ref>https://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/why-capital-punishment-bad-idea-cambodia</ref>
 
From January 1996 onwards, Ranariddh's relations with Hun Sen began to show signs of tension. Hun Sen submitted a government circular to reinstate 7 January as a national holiday, the anniversary of Phnom Penh's liberation from the Khmer Rouge by Vietnamese forces. Ranariddh added his signature to the circular, which incurred the ire of Sihanouk and several FUNCINPEC leaders. A few days later, apparently to tone down dissatisfaction from party members,<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 212</ref> Ranariddh publicly accused the [[People's Army of Vietnam|Army of Vietnam]] of encroaching into the territories of four Cambodian provinces bordering it. As Widyono saw it, Ranariddh intended to test Hun Sen's response to his accusations, of which the latter chose to remain quiet.<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 213</ref> During a closed-door FUNCINPEC meeting in the later part of January 1996, party members criticised Hun Sen and the CPP for monopolizing government power, and also chided Ranariddh for being too subservient to Hun Sen.<ref name="Widoyono214"/>
 
In February 1996, Ranariddh expressed concern over repeated delays in the construction of the resort-cum-casino complex at Sihanoukville, for which he had signed an agreement with Ariston in January 1995.<ref name="Jason1996">{{cite web |author1=Jason Barber |author2=Imran Vittachi |lastauthoramp=yes |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/cdc-caught-red-light-politics |title=CDC caught in "red light" politics |date=3 May 1996 |accessdate=6 February 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150702224843/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/cdc-caught-red-light-politics |archivedate=2 July 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref> Ariston blamed the lack of a governmental authority in Sihanoukville for the delay. At the end of April 1996, the government formed the Sihanoukville Developmental Authority (SDA) to oversee regulatory affairs and facilitate development.<ref>{{cite web|author=AFP|url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1309&dat=19960505&id=b4laAAAAIBAJ&sjid=fxUEAAAAIBAJ&pg=1389,1918606|title=Cambodia sets up new body to ease Ariston's work|page=25|date=5 May 1996|accessdate=6 February 2015|work=New Straits Times}}</ref> At a conference in May 1996, Ranariddh charged that CPP-controlled ministries were deliberately delaying the paperwork needed to complete the approval of Ariston's project. According to [[Tioulong Saumura]], the former deputy governor of Cambodia's Central Bank (and Sam Rainsy's wife), the delays were part of Hun Sen's strategy to undermine projects associated with Ranariddh.<ref name="Jason1996"/> In an apparent act of retaliation,<ref name="Aristonpolite">{{cite web |author=Tricia Fitzgerald |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/ariston-we-can-no-longer-be-polite |title=Ariston: "We can no longer be polite" |date=31 May 1996 |accessdate=18 December 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20160605095341/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/ariston-we-can-no-longer-be-polite |archivedate=5 June 2016 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref> Ranariddh directed FUNCINPEC's co-minister of the interior, [[You Hockry]] to close down all casinos in the country, citing the absence of authorising legislation.<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 201</ref> Ranariddh also proposed the cancellation of Ariston's contracts due to the delays.<ref name="Aristonpolite"/> Hun Sen responded by meeting with Mahathir, and assured him that agreements which Ranariddh had previously approved would be honoured.<ref>{{cite web |author=Imran Vittachi |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/hun-sen-dines-mahathir |title=Hun Sen dines with Mahathir |date=14 June 1996 |accessdate=6 February 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150702221631/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/hun-sen-dines-mahathir |archivedate=2 July 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref>
 
At a FUNCINPEC congress in March 1996, Ranariddh expressed unhappiness over his relationship with Hun Sen and the CPP. He likened his position as prime minister, and those of the FUNCINPEC ministers, to "puppets". He also questioned the CPP over their delays in appointing FUNCINPEC local officials as district chiefs. Ranariddh threatened to dissolve the National Assembly before the end of 1996, should FUNCINPEC's concerns remain unresolved.<ref name="Widoyono214"/> Several FUNCINPEC MPs, including Loy Sim Chheang and Ahmad Yahya, called on Ranariddh to reconcile with Sam Rainsy and work with the newly formed [[Sam Rainsy Party|Khmer Nation Party]] (KNP) in the forthcoming general election.<ref>{{cite web |author=Jason Barber |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/ranariddh-warms-rainsy-cpp-keeps-its-cool |title=Ranariddh warms to Rainsy; CPP keeps its cool |date=22 March 1996 |accessdate=7 January 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150924122709/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/ranariddh-warms-rainsy-cpp-keeps-its-cool |archivedate=24 September 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref> On 27 April Ranariddh, while vacationing in Paris, attended a meeting with Sihanouk, Rainsy, Chakrapong and Sirivudh. A few days later, Sihanouk issued a declaration praising Hun Sen and the CPP, while also stating that FUNCINPEC had no intention of leaving the coalition government. According to Widyono, Sihanouk's statement was an attempt to defuse the tension between Ranariddh and Hun Sen.<ref name="Widoyono222">Widyono (2008), pp. 222–23</ref> Hun Sen rejected the king's conciliatory overtures, and responded by publishing several public letters attacking Sihanouk, Ranariddh and FUNCINPEC.<ref name="Widoyono222"/> At a CPP party meeting on 29 June 1996, Hun Sen chided Ranariddh for not following through on his March threat to leave the coalition government and called him a "real dog".<ref name="HunSenBarber" /> At the same time, Hun Sen urged provincial governors from the CPP not attend Ranariddh's rallies.<ref name="HunSenBarber">{{cite web |author=Jason Barber |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/hun-sen-takes-hard-line-party-summit |title=Hun Sen takes hard line at party summit |date=26 July 1996 |accessdate=6 February 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150924120609/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/hun-sen-takes-hard-line-party-summit |archivedate=24 September 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref>
 
===ការកើនឡើងនៃជម្លោះនិងការប៉ះទង្គិចយោធា===
{{Main|រដ្ឋប្រហារកម្ពុជាឆ្នាំ១៩៩៧}}
 
In August 1996, Khmer Rouge leaders [[Pol Pot]] and [[Ieng Sary]] publicly split, with the former denouncing the latter in a radio broadcast. Ieng Sary responded by disassociating himself from the Khmer Rouge and went on to form his own political party, the [[Democratic National Union Movement]].<ref name="Summers236">Summers (2003), p. 236</ref> This prompted Ranariddh and Hun Sen to briefly set their political differences aside to jointly seek a royal pardon for Ieng Sary,<ref name="Peou294">Peou (2000), p. 294</ref> who had been sentenced to death by the [[People's Republic of Kampuchea]] (PRK) government in 1979.<ref name="Summers236"/> Subsequently, in October and December 1996, both Ranariddh and Hun Sen competed to win Ieng Sary's favour by separately visiting the leader at his fiefdom in [[Pailin]]. Hun Sen gained the upper hand, when he convinced Khmer Rouge soldiers under Ieng Sary's charge to join the CPP.<ref name="Peou294"/> Ranariddh canceled a follow-up visit to [[Samlout District|Samlout]], another town located within Ieng Sary's fiefdom, when Sary's soldiers threatened to shoot down Ranariddh's helicopter if he went there.<ref>Peou (2000), p. 295</ref>
 
In September 1996 Ariston Berhad signed three agreements with CPP's minister [[Sok An]], without Ranariddh's knowledge or that of other FUNCINPEC ministers. The agreements provided for the leasing of land to Ariston to develop a golf course, holiday resort and an airport in Sihanoukville. These actions angered Ranariddh, who in a February 1997 letter to Ariston's president Chen Lip Keong, declared the agreements null and void. Subsequently, Ariston claimed that they had tried unsuccessfully to contact FUNCINPEC officials, with a view to getting them to jointly sign the agreements.<ref>{{cite web |author=Katya Robinson |url=http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/ariston-rides-rough-and-tumble-business |title=Ariston rides the rough-and-tumble of business |date=21 March 1997 |accessdate=6 February 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150924102351/http://www.phnompenhpost.com/national/ariston-rides-rough-and-tumble-business |archivedate=24 September 2015 |work=Phnom Penh Post |url-status=dead }}</ref> Hun Sen was offended by Ranariddh's actions, and in April 1997 wrote to Mahathir assuring him of the validity of the agreements.<ref>{{cite web|author=Editor|url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1309&dat=19970403&id=U6djAAAAIBAJ&sjid=PBUEAAAAIBAJ&pg=4769,5624606|title=Assurance from Hun Sen|date=3 April 1997|page=2|accessdate=6 February 2015|work=New Straits Times}}</ref>
 
Ranariddh forged a political coalition by bringing FUNCINPEC to work together with the KNP, the [[Buddhist Liberal Democratic Party]] and the Khmer Neutral Party. On 27 January 1997, the four political parties formalised their alliance, which became known as the "National United Front" (NUF).<ref>Peou (2000), p. 293</ref> Ranariddh was nominated as the president of the NUF, and stated his intent to lead the alliance against the CPP, in the general elections scheduled to be held in 1998.<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 239</ref> The CPP issued a statement condemning NUF's formation, and formed a rival coalition consisting of political parties ideologically aligned to the former [[Khmer Republic]].<ref name="Widyono240">Widyono (2008), p. 240</ref>
 
Meanwhile, Ranariddh stepped up his attacks against Hun Sen, accusing him of harbouring plans to restore a Communist regime should the CPP win the next general election. At the same time Ranariddh attempted to persuade moderate leaders of the Khmer Rouge, including [[Khieu Samphan]] and Tep Kunnal, to join the NUF.<ref name="Summers236"/> Khieu Samphan accepted Ranariddh's overtures, and on 21 May 1997, put the support of his party, the [[Khmer National Solidarity Party]] (KNSP), behind the NUF.<ref name="Widyono240"/> On 4 June 1997, Ranariddh and Samphan signed a communiqué pledging mutual support.<ref>Widyono (2008), p. 253</ref> Five days later, customs officials at Sihanoukville discovered a three-ton shipment of rocket launchers, assault rifles and handguns, labelled "spare parts" and consigned to Ranariddh. The rocket launchers were seized by [[Royal Cambodian Air Force|Cambodian Air Force]] officers aligned to the CPP, while [[Royal Cambodian Armed Forces]] (RCAF) officials aligned to FUNCINPEC were allowed to keep the light weapons.<ref>Widyono (2008), pp. 244–45</ref> In mid-June, Khmer Rouge radio, controlled by Khieu Samphan, broadcast a speech praising the KNSP-NUF alliance and calling for an armed struggle against Hun Sen. Fighting subsequently broke out between Ranariddh's and Hun Sen's bodyguards.<ref name="Summers236"/>
 
In response Hun Sen issued an ultimatum, calling for Ranariddh to make a choice between siding with the Khmer Rouge or with the coalition government.<ref name="Summers236"/> Eleven days later, he stopped working with Ranariddh altogether.<ref name="HRW2007">{{cite web |author=Brad Adams |url=https://www.hrw.org/news/2007/07/27/cambodia-july-1997-shock-and-aftermath |title=Cambodia: July 1997: Shock and Aftermath |date=28 July 1996 |accessdate=1 February 2015 |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150709210709/https://www.hrw.org/news/2007/07/27/cambodia-july-1997-shock-and-aftermath |archivedate=9 July 2015 |work=Human Rights Watch |url-status=dead }}</ref> On 3 July 1997, while travelling to Phnom Penh, Ranariddh encountered troops aligned to the CPP. These troops persuaded his bodyguards to surrender their weapons,<ref name="HRW2007"/> which prompted him to flee Cambodia the following day.<ref>Mehta (2001), p. 110</ref> On 5 July, fighting broke out between RCAF troops separately aligned to CPP and FUNCINPEC, after CPP-aligned generals unsuccessfully attempted to coax FUNCINPEC-aligned troops into surrendering their weapons.<ref name="Peou300">Peou (2000), p. 300</ref> The FUNCINPEC-aligned units suffered major casualties the following day, and subsequently fled from Phnom Penh to the border town of [[O Smach]] in [[Oddar Meanchey Province]].<ref>Mehta (2013), pp. 257–58</ref><ref>Widyono (2008), p. 254</ref>
 
==ឯកសារយោង==
បានពី "https://km.wikipedia.org/wiki/នរោត្តម_រណឫទ្ធិ"